What do you do with a problem like a vice president? The modern conception of the office originated with Vice President Walter Mondale, an inauspicious progenitor, who in a memo to President Jimmy Carter articulated the ambitious notion that the man at Observatory Circle can act as a policy czar, enforcer, and bully-pulpiteer on behalf of the president, who tends to be administratively overcommitted, if not paralyzed. (He was addressing the famously quagmired Carter, after all.)
The Mondalean style of VP has not been an entirely happy affair. Number 2 either tends to exceed his brief—Dick Cheney’s robust activity was a blight on the Bush administration—or to be wholly ineffectual. Kamala Harris, after a hapless turn as “immigration czar” and a variety of public relations embarrassments, including a quiet war with White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain, was sidelined until her unlikely anointment to replace Joe Biden at the top of the ticket. The pathologies seem to fall into two main buckets: a powerful vice president who is not entirely aligned with the White House and operates independently of it, and a weak vice president who is a non-entity or liability.
But maybe Mondale’s active-VP idea can work.
Vice President J.D. Vance has been on a tear. He was in Paris Tuesday for the Artificial Intelligence Action Summit. (“Action summit” is a contradiction in terms if ever we saw one.) The event was notable for other diplomatic happenings—France’s President Emanuel Macron refused to shake hands with India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi, a striking and ominous show of hostility between the leaders of two nuclear-armed powers, presumably because of the orientation of each towards a third nuclear-armed power, Russia. These were overshadowed by Vance’s plenary address to the European and Asian leaders assembled in gay Paree. He told grandees of the European Union (the world’s “regulatory superpower”) that American economic interests were not the dog to be wagged by the tail of Europe’s will-to-power: “The Trump administration is troubled by reports that some foreign governments are considering tightening screws on U.S. tech companies with international footprints. America cannot and will not accept that, and we think it’s a terrible mistake.”
This speech, it had something for everyone. You want a working-class coalition? Dig it: “We will always center American workers in our AI policy. We refuse to view AI as a purely disruptive technology that will inevitably automate away our labour force. We believe and we will fight for policies that ensure that AI is going to make our workers more productive, and we expect that they will reap the rewards with higher wages, better benefits, and safer and more prosperous communities.” […]
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